Indonesia: Police must protect – not attack – transgender women in Aceh

Indonesian authorities are failing to protect the transgender women who were appallingly ill-treated and humiliated by police in North Aceh on January 27, some of whom have since had to go into hiding due to fears for their safety, Amnesty International said today.

Amnesty International interviewed some of the victims in a location near Aceh, to where they had fled after they lost their jobs while also suffering verbal and physical abuse from family members and the general public.

The transgender women testified that on 27 January during police raids on the beauty salons where they worked, police publicly humiliated, kicked and slapped them and cut their hair in an effort to get “rid of all transgender people from Aceh”.

“Not only have these transgender women been arrested and ill-treated by police for no other reason than who they are, some of them now continue to suffer as they have lost their livelihoods and have had to flee their homes. This is a complete failure by the Indonesian authorities to protect their human rights,” said Amnesty International Indonesia Executive Director Usman Hamid.

“Local authorities and ordinary people, in the name of Shari’a law, have colluded to attack and humiliate these transgender women. We believe the actions of the police amount to torture under international law. Those responsible must be investigated and held to account, including those in the North Aceh police who carried out the raids in the name of a ‘war against transgenders’.

“President Joko Widodo must instruct the National Police to order North Aceh police to stop attacking and start protecting transgender people, should they receive threats and intimidation from local people. They must also act urgently, together with other authorities, to ensure that the 12 victims are immediately given the protection they need and can return safely to their homes and work.”

Living in fear

The victims have been left deeply traumatised by the raid and spoke to Amnesty International on condition of anonymity. Some of them are now on the run to seek a safer place elsewhere in Indonesia as they live in fear that the police could come to arrest them any time.

Some of the transgender women have been intimidated by neighbours or even family members since the raid, and one victim was kicked and had a stone thrown at her several days after the raids. In addition, they are also unable to support their family members since they have lost their jobs as a result of the raid.

Some of those who remain in Aceh have found no choice but to agree to “act like men” as demanded by the police, however, they have had difficulties finding a job because people are afraid to hire them after the raid.

Hours of humiliation

The victims told Amnesty International in detail about the events of 27 January, when they were subjected to “punishments” from police that amount to cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment – and possibly torture – under international law. Police raided five beauty salons in North Aceh and detained transgender women as part of what the North Aceh police have called a “program to clean Aceh from transgender women”. This “war” is apparently backed by some local people and clerics.

During the raids, the North Aceh police chief delivered a speech condemning transgender women. Onlookers applauded his speech and shouted “oust them [from Aceh]. Just burn them. Just kill [them].” Police even handcuffed one of the 12 people.

After the raids, the North Aceh police chief brought the 12 victims to his office at 11pm on 27 January. The police then ordered them to walk in a humiliating fashion to a nearby park. Police shouted at them while giving instructions.

In front of many people who had gathered in the park to watch the humiliation, the police forced the 12 people through a mock military training – apparently to make them “manlier” – by ordering them to roll on the ground in the park. When one of the transgender women refused to roll on the ground, the North Aceh police chief fired a warning shot to scare her and others. A police officer later threw water in the face of one of the 12 victims for protesting their inhuman treatment.

During the raids, the North Aceh police chief delivered a speech condemning transgender women. Onlookers applauded his speech and shouted “oust them [from Aceh]. Just burn them. Just kill [them].” Police even handcuffed one of the 12 people.

The police forced them to take off their clothes except for their trousers. One of them rejected the order saying, “Just shoot me. This is about dignity.” The police chief replied: “You as a transgender do not have the right to have dignity.” A police officer later forcibly cut the hair of six of the victims to make them “look masculine”. The victims were later told to pee in a bottle for a urine drug test in front of many onlookers in the park, but they refused to do so.

The police instructed one of the 12 victims to clean the bodies and hair of the others using a hose. The North Aceh police chief later kicked her for what the police said was a failure to properly wash the others. Further, the police chief ordered the 12 victims to shout “like a man”. He slapped one of the victims on the face with a sandal because the victim could not shout “like men”. Another police officer later slapped the same victim with a sandal on her ears and mouth causing her lips to crack.

After humiliating them for two hours, the police told them to sit on the ground and then walk to police detention cells at 1am. They were forced to sleep on the cold floor in their wet trousers without mattresses.

The police released 11 of the victims on the afternoon of 28 January, but only after they were forced to attend a religious sermon by a Muslim cleric who told them to return to “your nature” and that “it is okay to kill transgender or other LGBTI people because they are more evil than kafir [infidel]”. The cleric also said that “the Tsunami hit Aceh [in 2004] because [of the sins] of transgender people” and if they did not change, nobody would take care and pray for them when they died.

One of the transgender women remained in police custody until 29 January after the police found a sexually explicit video on her mobile phone. Before the releases, the police instructed all 12 victims to sign a document but did not allow them to read what it said. It was an agreement to not act “like women” in the future and not to complain about any police misconduct.

State response

The raid took place against a backdrop of growing anti-LGBT sentiments in Aceh. Instead of offering support to the victims, Aceh Governor Irwandi Yusuf has publicly stated that he had supported the police’s raid on transgender women. At an anti-LGBT rally on 2 February, the Governor also said: “We don’t hate lesbian, gay, bisexual people [personally], but we hate their behaviour.”

Despite the fact that the North Aceh police chief is currently under internal investigation by the Aceh provincial police over the alleged ill-treatment of the transgender women, a spokesman from the same provincial police expressed support for the raid when joining the anti-LGBT rally.

“This horrific treatment and humiliation of transgender people is in clear violation of the absolute prohibition of torture and ill-treatment, made even worse by the fact that it was carried out by local police and backed by clerics. It is appalling that a group of heavily armed police officers raided and arrested transgender women on the basis of nothing but hatred,” Usman Hamid said.

“The harrowing tales of these women must be a wake-up call to Indonesian authorities and people everywhere. The human rights of all Indonesians – whatever their sexual orientation, gender identity and experience – must be upheld and protected equally.

“President Joko Widodo must publicly rebuke the Governor’s endorsement and make it crystal clear that such attitudes are unacceptable.”

Seven ways to have an ethical wedding

By Milly Stilinovic

Your wedding day should certainly be one of the happiest moments you’ll experience during your journey as a couple.

However, the sweetness of joy can be soured by the daunting fact that your special day – from ring to reception – can be overshadowed by actions that contribute to human rights abuses.

Here are seven helpful alternatives to consider, before you walk down the aisle, to keep your celebration humane and your conscience clear.

1. Look beyond the karat and clarity of your diamond

Seventeen years ago, The World Diamond Council (WDC) imposed a crackdown aimed at curbing the trade of blood diamonds.

Since then, the sale of precious stones mined in conflict zones – whose sales financed some of Africa’s most violent war crimes atrocities in the 1990s – has been close to eradicated.

However, despite this encouraging news, couples are still at risk of purchasing blood diamonds from new supply streams that have entered the market from the Central African Republic (CAR).

The best way to avoid purchasing a blood diamond is to ask your jeweller a series of questions – where does your diamond come from, do they have supporting evidence to back this claim, and what is their policy on the purchase of blood diamonds. If the jeweller cannot answer these questions satisfactorily, then it’s best to keep shopping.

2. Consider fabric choices

Silk organza or chiffon? Unfortunately, your fabric choices – from groomsmen suits, bridesmaids dresses, to the all important bridal gown – could be produced in garment sweat shops where 1 in 10 workers survive on less than $2 a day and are subjected to poor working conditions.

The solution is to consider going vintage for the occasion. Rummage through your mother’s closet and scour the racks at vintage shops. Not only will you avoid contributing to the global chain of slave labour but also to the fashion industry’s detrimental impact on the environment.

3. Ditch the decorations

While pretty, your decorations may have been produced by children as young as eight, forced to work in small and unventilated work rooms, under the constant threat of violence.

Instead of going OTT on the ornaments, why not opt for a reception venue that needs little to no embellishment? Or, better still, get creative and decorate your space with locally-sourced, and ethically-grown, flora.

4. Location, location, location

You may have found the perfect backdrop for your special day. However, unbeknown to you and your beloved, you could be standing atop a site that was once witness to atrocious human rights violations.

From former jails, where inmates were subjected to mindless torture, to plantations that once housed slaves, some of world’s sought-after reception halls are tainted with the memory of abuses past.

The antidote is to do your research. The haunting tale of human suffering can really put a dampener on your special day.

5. Re-think your wedding make-up

It’s no secret that the global production of palm oil, which has doubled over the last decade, has had a detrimental impact on the environment.

However, according to a recent Amnesty International Report, The Great Palm Oil Scandal, palm oil production contributes to heartbreaking child and labour abuses.

© Amnesty International / WatchDoc
© Amnesty International / WatchDoc

Palm oil that can be found in roughly 50 per cent of household products – including makeup. Opt for cruelty-free by surveying the list of products that don’t contain palm oil.

6. In lieu of gifts

Tearing the wrapping paper off a mountain of gifts might be the marital equivalent to Disneyland for some couples. However, the registry is an opportunity to help those less fortunate.

Instead of opting for a long list of must-haves, why not inform your guests that you’d prefer if they donate to the charity of your choice.

7. Honeymoon heaven or hell?

The nuptials have been performed, the cake sliced, now all that’s left is for you and your loved one to ride off into the sunset and enjoy a few weeks of honeymoon bliss.

And while you may have your heart set on a particular destination, it’s recommended to check that your destination of choice is not a territory marred by human rights violations.

From ongoing and often secluded abuse, to government crackdown on freedom of speech and expression, your honeymoon heaven can equate to hell for many a local living on the picturesque shores of the world’s most coveted hot spots.

Don’t leave Cambodia to fight for democracy alone

With the Cambodian general election on the horizon, the country’s ruling party has launched a ruthless crackdown on all forms of dissent. Opposition figures, rights activists like Tep Vanny and journalists are all under fire, explains James Gomez, Amnesty International’s Southeast Asia and Pacific Director.

Climate of fear

In July last year, Cambodia’s Prime Minister Hun Sen gave a speech to his supporters shortly after his Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) suffered unexpected losses in local elections. Dressed in a military uniform, the long-time ruler did not mince his words. He warned his opponents to “prepare their coffins” and said that he would eliminate “100 to 200 people” if it was needed for “national security.” Troops were standing ready to “crack down on all movements that would [topple the government].”

Six months later, it is safe to say that this was not an empty threat. Cambodia’s ruling party has launched a swift, ruthless and far-reaching crackdown on all forms of dissent. Opposition figures, rights activists and journalists have all become targets of the authorities—there is a palpable climate of fear among activists in Cambodia.

Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen attends a meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin at Bocharov Ruchey State Residence on May 19, 2016 in Sochi, Russia.
Cambodia’s Prime Minister, Hun Sen © Getty Images

Remarkably, Hun Sen and his allies have managed to do this largely without attracting international attention. Cambodia has emerged from the decades of brutality under the Khmer Rouge regime and widespread political violence in the 1990s. But unless the world wakes up to what is going on, this progress risks being rolled back—and much of it already has.

The crackdown has to be seen in the context of general elections that are due this summer. In the last vote in 2013, the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP)—led by the charismatic Sam Rainsy—almost pulled off a surprise win, despite the odds being stacked against it. Hun Sen seems determined not to let this happen again—let alone allow a full upset.

Crackdown on political opposition

Tep Vanny, one of 13 women Boeung Kak Lake activists sentenced to jail after a peaceful protest, stands with her arm in the air, fist clenched, with a smile on her face.
Tep Vanny is one of 13 women Boeung Kak Lake activists arrested during a peaceful protest and sentenced to two-and-a-half years in prison © Third Party

Today, the CNRP has been all but decimated. Sam Rainsy has been forced into exile to avoid facing trumped up defamation charges and long imprisonment. In September last year, the CNRP leader Kem Sokha was arrested on ludicrous accusations of “treason”. One month later, his deputy, Mu Sochua, fled the country to avoid a similar fate. At least 35 other leading opposition figures have been arrested since 2015, 19 of whom still remain behind bars.

In November, the supreme court put the final nail in the coffin of the CNRP by dissolving the party completely and banning many of its key members from political activity for five years. The court’s decision exposed how Cambodia’s judiciary has become little more than an arm of the ruling party, used to crush any form of dissent. With elections fast approaching, the question is no longer if the opposition will be allowed a fair fight, but whether it will be let into the ring at all.

Civil society and media under pressure

However, it is not just the political opposition that has been swept up in the crackdown. Cambodia’s vibrant civil society is also facing unprecedented pressure. Relying on repressive legislation that gives authorities sweeping power to control the NGO sector, the government last year shut down the US-funded National Democratic Institute and has threatened to do the same to other civil society groups.

While NGOs and individual human rights activists have continued to bravely fight against injustice, they are increasingly doing so at their own risk. Tep Vanny, a housing and land rights activist, is just one example. Since 2013, she has been arrested at least five times for defending her community around Boeung Kak lake in Phnom Penh against eviction. Her latest arrest in August 2016 resulted in a two-and-a-half year prison sentence. Her only “crime” was her peaceful involvement in “Black Monday”, an advocacy campaign highlighting the imprisonment of five other rights defenders.

Hun Sen’s government has also set its sight on the media sector. In September, the English-language Cambodia Daily—one of the country’s few independent print media outlets—was abruptly forced to close over an allegedly unpaid tax bill. Around the same time, the government forced broadcasts from Voice of America and Radio Free Asia off the air, while also shutting down the independent radio station Voice of Democracy. Broadcast media in Cambodia is now almost completely under government control.

Cambodian rights activist Tep Vanny standing with her husband and two child, a boy and a girl, smiling at the camera. The family are outside, standing on dried, muddy ground, with a housing structure in the background.
Tep Vanny with her family at Boeung Kak Lake in Cambodia in 2011 © Amnesty International

International community must speak out

As Hun Sen tightens his iron grip, it is high time the international community spoke out against the crackdown in Cambodia. Many UN officials have, to their credit, tried to highlight the situation. In September 2017, Rhona Smith, the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Cambodia, warned that Cambodia is slipping “inexorably towards a precipice.”

But the reaction from key states has been tepid, perhaps due to fears of pushing Cambodia even further into the arms of China. While the U.S. has withdrawn some funding and issued a few stern rebukes, it could and should do much more. Japan and the EU are providing significant development aid to Cambodia, they must use their influence to push the government to change course immediately. As the July elections draw closer, the coming months will be crucial.

When Amnesty International met Tep Vanny’s mother in Phnom Penh last year, she told us about her daughter’s spirit of activism. “Even when she was beaten in protests, she would return the next day. If anyone is in trouble my daughter will support them in their search for justice.” The world must ensure that Tep Vanny and others like her are not left to fight this battle alone.

This article was first published on www.newsweek.com.

Submission: Religious Freedom Review

Amnesty International welcomes the opportunity to provide this submission to the Expert Panel on Religious Freedom in order to assist it to examine and report on whether Australian law (Commonwealth, State and Territory) adequately protects the human right to freedom of religion. This submission will draw on Amnesty International’s work globally and in Australia.

READ OUR SUBMISSION HERE

Amnesty International campaigns against direct or indirect discrimination on the basis of race, sex, sexual orientation and gender identity, religion or belief, and we advocate for states to fulfil their obligations to prohibit racial and religious vilification. Amnesty International is concerned about the growth of divisive political discourse in Australia and around the world that dehumanises and scapegoats religious and other minority groups for social, economic and security concerns they have no control over.

Australia has an international legal obligation to protect the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion, protect against all forms of discrimination and prohibit racial and religious vilification.

Amnesty International notes that under international law, it is clear that freedom of religion may be subject to limitations where they are “prescribed by law”, and necessary to protect “the fundamental rights and freedoms of others”. The right to freedom of religion is therefore not absolute, and may be mediated in order to uphold other fundamental rights.

There is a clear distinction between the absolute right to hold a religion or belief (including a non-religious belief or a rejection of religious belief) and the right to manifest such belief. While the right to freedom of thought and belief is absolute, in international law the freedom to manifest one’s religion or beliefs may be subject to legitimate limitations.

In this submission, Amnesty International makes thirteen recommendations to adequately protect all human rights in Australia.

Israel/OPT: Israeli authorities must release teenage Palestinian activist Ahed Tamimi

The Israeli authorities must immediately release teenage activist Ahed Tamimi whose continued detention is a desperate attempt to intimidate Palestinian children who dare to stand up to repression by occupying forces, Amnesty International said.

Ahed Tamimi’s trial is due to start today in Ofer juvenile military court in the occupied West Bank. She faces 12 charges, including aggravated assault, after a video was posted on social media showing her shoving, slapping and kicking two Israeli soldiers in her village on 15 December.

“By refusing to release Ahed Tamimi since her arrest on 19 December, the Israeli authorities have shown nothing but contempt for their obligations under international law to protect children,” said Magdalena Mughrabi, Deputy Director for the Middle East and Africa.

“As an unarmed girl, Ahed posed no threat during the altercation with the two Israeli soldiers who were heavily armed and wearing protective clothing. Nothing she has done can justify her continued detention and the long, aggressive interrogation sessions she has been forced to endure during the first two weeks of her detention.

“Yet again, the Israeli authorities have responded to acts of defiance by a Palestinian child with measures that are entirely disproportionate to the incident in question.”

Under the Convention on the Rights of the Child, to which Israel is a state party, the arrest, detention or imprisonment of a child must be used only as a measure of last resort and for the shortest appropriate period of time.

Ahed Tamimi, who spent her 17th birthday in detention, could face up to 10 years in prison if convicted. Her trial is expected to last several months.

Background

The Israeli army prosecutes hundreds of Palestinian children in juvenile military courts every year, often after arresting them in night-time raids and subjecting them to ill-treatment, including blindfolding, threats, solitary confinement and interrogations without the presence of their lawyers or family members.

There are currently some 350 Palestinian children in Israeli prisons and detention centres, according to local human rights organisations.

Queensland: Unacceptable delay in moving 17 yr-olds out of harsh adult prisons

The Queensland Government has this afternoon admitted a delay in the process of moving 17-year-olds currently held in adult facilities to youth detention centres. In response, Roxanne Moore, Indigenous Rights Campaigner at Amnesty International Australia, said:

“This is an unacceptable delay by the Queensland Government. This legislation was passed in 2016 and the Government has had more than a year to set this in motion. Every day of delay is a day that teenagers are continuing to suffer in harsh adult prisons, increasing the likelihood of reoffending.

Queensland is the only State in Australia breaching children’s rights, set out in international law, in this way. We are only talking about a few dozen young people here, and we call on the Minister for Child Safety, Di Farmer, to commit to move these young people into child-appropriate accommodation as soon as possible.”

UN Security Council Must Halt Myanmar’s Ethnic Cleansing of Rohingya

Abdu Salam stayed in his village as Myanmar soldiers and local vigilantes burned down dozens of homes there last August. He stayed as news spread of atrocities that soldiers had committed in other Rohingya villages across northern Rakhine State, Myanmar. He stayed because Hpon Nyo Leik village was his home, the only home he’d known, and he wanted to protect his family’s property and right to live there.

But when, at the end of 2017, the Myanmar military’s starvation tactics left Abdu Salam’s family struggling to find food, they were forced to join the exodus to Bangladesh.

On 13 February, the UN Security Council will be briefed again on the situation in Myanmar. The briefing comes as the Myanmar government says it’s ready to start repatriating people from Bangladesh. But the military’s efforts to drive the Rohingya population out of the country haven’t even ground to a halt. The Security Council’s inaction, amid a weak international response to the ongoing crimes against humanity, has been a key part of the problem.

Pushed out of Myanmar

Abdu Salam and I sat in his recently erected bamboo shelter at the edge of Kutupalong Extension, the ever-growing refugee camp in southern Bangladesh that houses most of the 688,000 Rohingya who have fled Myanmar since last August. He was with his wife and six children, including his baby son, visibly emaciated, who slept in a makeshift crib that hung from the shelter’s ceiling.

His family arrived in Bangladesh in early January, among the hundreds who still cross the border each week. As part of our latest research in Bangladesh, my Amnesty International colleagues and I interviewed 19 men and women from this newest wave of refugees. I heard the same story again and again: the Myanmar military squeezed them out of northern Rakhine State by driving them to the brink of starvation.

A Rohingya refugee wades in muddy water
© Amnesty International

Abdu Salam told me he used to go to the hill near his village and collect wood to sell at market. But even before the current crisis began, that source of livelihood was cut off, due to the severe movement restrictions imposed on the Rohingya population, as part of the conditions of apartheid under which they have lived.

Rakhine: violence and starvation

Then, following the 25 August attacks on around 30 security force outposts by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), the Myanmar military unleashed a campaign of violence against the Rohingya across northern Rakhine State. Our October 2017 report documented in detail the military’s crimes against humanity, including the widespread killing of Rohingya men, women and children; rape and other forms of sexual violence against women and girls; forced deportation; and the targeted burning of villages. Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) estimates that at least 6,700 people were killed in the first month of the crisis. The UN, other rights organizations, and media outlets have all painted the same, devastating picture.

© 2017 DigitalGlobe, Inc. Source: USG, NextView License

Hpon Nyo Leik village was spared the worst of the military’s violence. But security forces arrested Abdu Salam’s 14-year-old son, accusing him of involvement with ARSA. To secure the boy’s release, the family scraped together almost their entire savings. It’s one of many examples of arrest-for-extortion we have long documented.

In the months after 25 August, movement restrictions grew even tighter for the remaining Rohingya, and already strict curfews were extended. Soldiers and vigilantes looted and torched Rohingya markets or, as in Hpon Nyo Leik, restricted market access to people holding a National Verification Card (NVC), a temporary identification document that most of the Rohingya community rejects, since it fails to recognise them as citizens.

Even as pressure mounted and hundreds of thousands left, many other Rohingya families stayed. Agriculture is central to livelihoods across Rakhine State, and the harvest season for rice, the area’s staple crop, occurs in November and December. Stockpiles from the previous harvest began to run low. The Myanmar military must have known what was to follow when, in many Rohingya villages, it then blocked people from going to their paddy fields.

As the harvest started, Abdu Salam worked for several days. “Then the soldiers came and said, ‘This harvest is not your harvest’,” he told me. “There were many [of us] harvesting there. All of us were forced to leave.” Soon after, he saw non-Rohingya villagers using machinery to harvest the same crops.

With no food for their six children, except occasional handouts of a little rice from wealthier neighbours, Abdu Salam’s family fled in late December, joined by others facing the same situation. Even before the August attacks and subsequent lockdown, the World Food Programme warned that malnutrition rates in northern Rakhine State were at emergency levels.

As Rohingya families fled toward the coast in recent weeks, Myanmar forces dealt a final blow by systematically robbing them at checkpoints. More than a dozen recent arrivals, including Abdu Salam, described to me the worst such checkpoint, near Sein Hnyin Pyar village tract in Buthidaung Township. There, soldiers separate men from women; search sacks and bodies, often sexually assaulting women in the process; and steal whatever of value they find, including money, jewellery, clothes, and phones.

Global inaction for Rohingya must end

Though the tactics may have changed, it should come as no surprise that the military’s ruthless campaign races forward. In the midst of its almost incomprehensively-efficient ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya population, some states around the world have expressed alarm or even condemned the atrocities. But the international community has taken almost no concrete action.

The Security Council must finally act, and send a clear, united message to the Myanmar military that atrocities must stop, and there will be no more impunity for its crimes. To start, the Security Council should impose a comprehensive arms embargo, as well as targeted financial sanctions on senior officials implicated in serious rights violations. It should explore avenues to bring to justice perpetrators of crimes under international law. And it should call on Myanmar to dismantle the apartheid system that forms the backdrop of the current crisis.

In addition, the Security Council must demand that Myanmar authorities provide full and sustained aid access throughout the country, as well as access to independent investigators, including the UN Fact-Finding Mission. It should also demand that Myanmar respect a free press and immediately release two Reuters journalists, Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo, being detained and prosecuted simply for carrying out their reporting work on the military’s atrocities.

The Security Council has to quickly decide which side of history it wants to be on. With each day it fails to act, more people like Abdu Salam are forced to flee.

Matthew Wells is a Senior Crisis Advisor at Amnesty International, and has just returned from two weeks of research in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh.

This article originally appeared in IPS News.

Groundswell of support for national change to our youth justice system: now time for action

Amnesty International has welcomed today’s commitments from the Council of Australian Governments (COAG) and the Opposition to a national change to our youth justice system.

These commitments followed the Federal Government’s response to the Royal Commission into the Protection and Detention of Children in the Northern Territory.

“The COAG’s First Ministers acknowledgement that the Royal Commission’s recommendations have national implications, and their commitment to sharing lessons and best practices across jurisdictions on child protection and youth justice is very welcome news,” said Roxanne Moore, Amnesty International’s Indigenous Rights Campaigner.

“We also welcome the Opposition’s declaration that the “protection and detention of Australian young people is a national issue and a national responsibility – and it deserves Commonwealth leadership.”

“This adds to Amnesty’s ReachTEL poll from October, which found two out of three Australians believe the Turnbull Government should lead national action to end the injustice of too many Indigenous kids in prison.

“What this shows is that there is a groundswell of support from right around Australia on the call for national change to our youth justice system.

“However, the time has passed for mere talk. What we need to see now is Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull and Opposition Leader Bill Shorten to put the politics aside and make a bipartisan commitment for national change, with a concrete action plan put in place immediately.”

“However, the time has passed for mere talk. What we need to see now is Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull and Opposition Leader Bill Shorten put the politics aside and make a bipartisan commitment for national change, with a concrete action plan put in place immediately.”

Indigenous leaders have been calling out for support for the Change The Record Coalition’s ‘Free To Be Kids’ National Plan of Action, which would see a future where Indigenous children thrive in their communities, rather than being abused behind bars.

The National Plan of Action includes: ending abusive practices in children’s prisons; setting national justice targets; providing support to families to stay strong, healthy and together; diversion and prevention programs; raising the age of criminal responsibility to 14 years; and funding Aboriginal-controlled legal and support services.

What will you do for women’s rights in 2018?

By Milly Stilinovic

The road to gender parity may seem long, but here are six ways you can help further the rights of women in 2018 to bring us all closer to equality.

Throughout history, concerted efforts have been made to lift the profile of women in society; suffrage, liberation, the right to own property, handle finances, and enter into politics or other sectors once reserved for men. But from sexual harassment and abuse on the streets, to violence in our homes, online trolling, and workplace discrimination — there is still a long way to go in the battle to make sure women can enjoy their rights equally to their male counterparts.

It begins with one voice challenging the status quo, and can end in a chorus of many. Whether you identify as a woman or not, here are six ways you can assist the plight of women in 2018 to allow the sisterhood equal rights and an equal platform in society.

Show up for women

Thursday 8 March commemorates International Women’s Day, a celebration of the women’s movement whose tireless efforts to eradicate gender disparity have moved the barometer in favour of social justice.

Originating in New York in 1909, International Women’s Day was adopted by former soviet and communist states a decade later after women gained suffrage. The commemoration was finally embraced by the United Nations in 1975, and today it is celebrated the world over.

While there is much to celebrate in terms of women’s liberation, it’s time to #PressForProgress. Unite with your fellow sisters by pledging to march this International Women’s Day, signifying your support for an all-inclusive society where women enjoy equal status. Enter your postcode and we’ll keep you updated about events coming up in your area.

Stand up for women

Yes, even when it’s uncomfortable.

As the #MeToo campaign has all too painfully demonstrated, most women have experienced harassment and abuse from colleagues, roommates, strangers and even loved ones.

Now, with the explosion of social media, it’s more common than ever for women to experience attacks online that are of a sexually-charged, violent, and shaming nature. And the problem is widespread. A recent poll conducted by Amnesty International discovered that three out of 10 Australian women said that they have experienced harassment or abuse online.

Three in 10 Australian women have experienced harassment or abuse online.

Platforms like Twitter have promised to stamp out misogyny online but have been slow to keep good on their promises. When you see online harassment of women, make sure to report it and let social media platforms know that you expect them to adequately enforce their comments policies, as a means to protect women’s free speech online.

Understand the experiences of women

It has been said that the best way to understand the inequalities women are working to overcome is to walk a mile in their shoes. There are plenty of reasons why feminism is as prevalent today as it was during the first and second wave, and we have plenty to learn from the iconic feminists of today and those who have come before us.

Maya Angelou. © Susan Mullally Weil
Maya Angelou. © Susan Mullally Weil

If you’re a reader, you’ll want to check out the works of feminist writers, such as Virginia Woolf (with her explosive tome ‘Orlando’), Alice Walker (‘The Colour Purple’), Bell Hooks (‘Ain’t I A Woman?’), and Wilma Mankiller (the first woman elected to serve as chief of the Cherokee Nation, who wrote, among other books, ‘A Chief and Her People’). If you like non-fiction, there’s no better time to familiarise yourself with the biographies of leading figures from the feminist movement – the Suffragettes, Maya Angelou, Simone de Beauvoir, Eleanor Roosevelt, Coretta Scott King.

For the film buffs, note entertaining and powerful films such as Belle, Erin Brokovic, Wild, and the classic Thelma & Louise.

If art is your thing, there is also plenty of amazing artwork to absorb by artists like ! Women Art Revolution, The Guerrilla Girls, and Yoko Ono.

And if you’re a podcast fiend, Phoebe Robinson and Jessica Williams will have you in stitches during their weekly episode of 2 Dope Queens where they aren’t afraid to real-talk. The Guilty Feminist makes space to discuss the big topics surrounding feminism with a sense of humour and refreshing honesty, and One Bad Mother delves into the joys and struggles of motherhood in the 21st century.

Amplify the voices of women

Once inspired, it’ll be easy to share women’s achievements, challenges and stories on your own platform — whether via your blog, Facebook, Instagram, or Youtube — to plant the seed of inspiration in the people around you.

Amnesty International’s #IndigenousMums campaign placed the spotlight over much-deserving, hardworking, Indigenous Mums last Mother’s Day, and you’ll want to keep an eye on what they’re up to next. There are also plenty of amazing women defending human rights around the world who to know about, and plenty of inspiring women who you should be following online.

Sasha Houthuysen, who was featured in #IndigenousMums in 2017, and her two children. © Private

The efforts of celebrities at the Golden Globes, who wore black to draw attention towards rampant sexual harassment and abuse in the industry also garnered much-deserved attention, and allowed for lengthy discussions on social media. You can do the same, by lending your influence to raise the volume of voices that matter.

Assist them

Women who obtain the courage to escape the pain of domestic abuse often find themselves at women’s shelters, adjusting to a new environment, confronting their fears of retaliation, and doing all they can to save both their children and their sanity.

Show you care by lending a hand at your local women’s shelter, or donating supplies to help get women back on their feet.

Most importantly…

If you don’t identify as a woman: keep the channels of communication open for the women around you. If you do: stand in solidarity with the sisterhood when they need you.

Women have powerful insights into the importance of women’s liberation and gender equality, and we need to shine a light on women’s experiences if we want to end the violence perpetuated against them. Women are, after all, the people who have seen, felt, and experienced the odds stacked against them.

The Philippines: ICC investigation into drug killings a crucial moment for justice

Responding to news that the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) will open a preliminary examination into the “war on drugs” in the Philippines, James Gomez, Amnesty International’s Director of Southeast Asia and the Pacific said:

“This announcement marks a crucial moment for justice and accountability in the Philippines and offers a glimmer of hope to victims of the shocking atrocities committed in the government’s so called ‘war on drugs’.

“The crimes that have been committed since President Duterte took office meet the threshold of crimes against humanity. Unfortunately, the Philippine authorities have shown themselves both unwilling and unable to bring the perpetrators to justice and the real hope for victims now lies with the ICC.

“This announcement is a warning to leaders around the world that those who order or incite crimes against humanity including murder will not be able to get away with it, and will be subject to investigation under international law.”

Background

On 8 February 2018, Fatou Bensouda, Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, announced that the ICC is opening a preliminary investigation into the situation in the Philippines.

In January 2017, and again in December 2017, Amnesty International recommended that unless Philippine authorities took key steps to end drug-related killings the ICC should open a preliminary examination into the crimes.

Amnesty International called for an immediate end to extrajudicial executions, plus an end to the incitement and encouragement of such killings by high-ranking officials, including the President. Amnesty also urged the authorities to launch an impartial and efficient investigation into all suspected unlawful killings. However, the Philippine authorities have so far almost completely failed to heed of these calls.