Good news: Yusman Telaumbanua released from death row in Indonesia

In 2017 the Supreme Court of Indonesia commuted the death sentence of Yusman to five years’ imprisonment after considering a submission of his case review. Yusman Telaumbanua was released from prison on 17 August 2017.

What happened?

Yusman Telaumbanua was arrested and detained in 2012 for the murder of three men in the North Nias district, North Sumatra province.

Yusman did not have a lawyer present during his interrogation. He was unable to read or write at the time and the police interrogated him in Bahasa Indonesia, which he does not speak.

Yusman Telaumbanua claims that while in custody he was beaten on a daily basis by police officers, or by other detainees ordered to do so by the police.

Although the prosecutor sought life imprisonment, Yusman’s lawyer asked the judge to sentence him to death. Yusman was not told by his lawyers of his right to appeal his conviction or his sentence, and based on the lawyer’s request, the Court sentenced him to death.

Yusman claimed that he was born in 1993, was 16 at the time of the arrest, and should have been tried as a minor. His claim is supported by his family, neighbours in his village, as well as the village administrative apparatus. On 17 November 2015, the Ministry of Law and Human Rights requested that Yusman Telaumbanua be examined by a group of forensic radiology experts to determine his age. The experts established that Yusman Telaumbanua was under 18 years old when the crime was committed in 2012.

International law prohibits the death penalty for people who were under 18 when the crimes were committed.

Background

Amnesty International has documented systemic flaws in Indonesia’s criminal justice system and its implementation of the death penalty. These include:

  • violations of the right to a fair trial
  • the right not to be subjected to torture or to other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment
  • the right to apply for clemency or pardon of a death sentence
  • foreign nationals or others who do not understand or speak the language used by the authorities are entitled to the assistance of an interpreter following arrest, including during questioning, and at all other stages of the proceedings.

Indonesia did not carry any executions in 2017. However, Attorney General Muhammad Prasetyo has repeatedly declared that the government has not decided to suspend the implementation of death sentences. At least 47 new death sentences were imposed in Indonesia in 2017.

How did Amnesty respond?

Amnesty International Australia took on Yusman’s case in 2016, calling for his death sentence to be commuted. In January 2017, Amnesty International, alongside other human rights organisations, wrote an open letter to Indonesian President Joko Widodo. We asked him to establish an independent, impartial investigation into the allegations of ill-treatment, and subsequently review Yusman’s death sentence.

Yusman’s case was also featured in a report Flawed Justice: Unfair Trials and the Death Penalty in Indonesia, which examined claims that his age was not adequately investigated by Indonesian authorities and concerns that his trial was in violation of international fair trial standards.

Amnesty International Indonesia met with Yusman in August 2017 and he thanked all Amnesty International members and supporters. He made a pledge to join the anti-death penalty movement in Indonesia and share his personal experiences as a prisoner on death row.

What next?

The Minister of Law and Human Rights Yasonna Laoly made a comment on the release of Yusman saying that Indonesia’s judicial system is not perfect and called on the Supreme Court to review similar cases.

Indonesia should follow this path and ensure that the trial of all those sentenced to death complies with international fair trial standards. The Indonesian authorities should establish an independent body to review all death sentences and where international fair trial standards were not followed, offer a retrial which does not resort to the death penalty.

Indonesia: At least 60 killed as police shootings of drug suspects skyrocket

The number of police killings of suspected drug dealers has skyrocketed in Indonesia this year, an alarming rise which signals that authorities could be looking to emulate the murderous “war on drugs” in neighbouring Philippines, Amnesty International said.

At least 60 suspected drug dealers have been killed by police – some of whom have been seconded to the National Narcotics Agency (BNN) – since 1 January 2017, compared to 18 in all of 2016, according to data gathered by Amnesty International.

“This shocking escalation in unlawful killings by the police sounds serious alarm bells. While Indonesian authorities have a duty to respond to increasing rates of drug use in the country, shooting people on sight is never a solution. Not only is it unlawful, it will also do nothing to address the root causes that lead to drug use in the first place,” said Usman Hamid, Director of Amnesty International Indonesia.

“The authorities must remember that everyone, including people suspected of drug offences, have a right to life that must be respected at all times.”

A significant number of the killings have taken place around the capital Jakarta or Sumatra, a known hub for drug trafficking.

Six people have been killed already in August 2017. In one of the most recent incidents, police shot dead a 50-year-old man after police alleged he tried to reach for a gun while being arrested in East Java on 12 August.

Police claim that all the killings have been in self-defence or because suspects tried to flee the scene. But as far as Amnesty International is aware, authorities have not conducted independent investigations into any of these incidents.

The stark rise in deaths comes in a year when several high-ranking Indonesian officials have advocated for tougher measures to address drug-related crime, including unrestrained lethal force against suspected traffickers.

In late July, President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo said during a speech in Jakarta: “Be firm, especially to foreign drug dealers who enter the country and resist arrest. Enough, just shoot them. Be merciless.” Of those killed in 2017, at least eight have been foreigners, including three Chinese men.

“It is deeply worrying that foreigners appear to be targeted by the authorities. This could point to a deliberate policy to scapegoat non-Indonesians,” said Usman Hamid.

The national police chief General Tito Karnavian this month told police officers “not to hesitate shooting drug dealers who resist arrest”. General Karnavian has also hailed the Philippines’ President Rodrigo Duterte’s “war on drugs” as an example of how to make drug dealers “go away”.

The national police chief General Tito Karnavian this month told police officers “not to hesitate shooting drug dealers who resist arrest”. General Karnavian has also hailed the Philippines’ President Rodrigo Duterte’s “war on drugs” as an example of how to make drug dealers “go away”.

In the Philippines, thousands of people have been killed by or at the behest of the security forces in what may amount to extrajudicial executions since President Duterte announced a “war on drugs” in June 2016. Amnesty International has documented how the police force has come to resemble a criminal enterprise, killing mostly poor people suspected to be drug users or sellers, or paying others to kill them.

“President Duterte should not under any circumstances be considered a role model for Indonesia. Far from making the Philippines safer, his bloody ‘war on drugs’ has led to the deaths of thousands without any form of accountability,” said Usman Hamid.

Under both Indonesian and international law, police are only allowed to use force as a last resort, and even then can only do the bare minimum to prevent further loss of life.

“These killings must be promptly investigated by independent and impartial authorities, and any police officer found to have violated human rights should be held responsible,” said Usman Hamid.

“Indonesia has a long and troubling history of failing to bring police officers to justice for abuses, which cannot be allowed to continue. Authorities must reiterate that the unlawful use of force will not be tolerated and reject any ‘shoot to kill’ policy.”

Update on Constitutional Reform

For a number of years we have been keeping supporters informed as to the progress of amending the Constitution for the benefit of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. There have been many discussions and consultations about this since then Prime Minister Julia Gillard announced a referendum with bipartisan support back in 2010, including ‘You, Me, Unity’, The Expert Panel, a Joint Select Parliamentary Committee and now most recently the Referendum Council.

On 30 June the Referendum Council released their final report to the Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition, following a meeting of 250 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander delegates between 23-26 May for the ‘First Nations National Constitutional Convention’ (the Uluru meeting) to discuss constitutional reform, recognition and treaty. Check out our previous update for more detail on the Referendum Council and the Uluru meeting.

The Referendum Council report

The Referendum Council’s final report gave just two recommendations to the Prime Minister.

The first recommendation calls for a referendum to be held, to include in the Australian Constitution a representative body that gives Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples a voice to the Commonwealth Parliament. The report asks that the representative body be given a function to monitor the use of the heads of power in section 51(xxvi) (the race power) and section 122 (government of territories). The body will also recognise the status of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as the First Peoples of Australia.

Second, the Council recommended that all Australian Parliaments pass on the same day a ‘Declaration of Recognition’ as a symbolic statement of recognition to unify all Australians. The Declaration aims to bring together three parts of Australian history including the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, heritage and culture, British institutions, and multicultural unity. The recommendation also calls for the establishment of a Makarrata Commission with functions that include supervising treaty-making and the facilitation of a process of truth telling.

Former South Australian Senator Amanda Vanstone did not endorse the recommendations and wrote a dissenting report which indicated that more detail was needed on the proposal before she could recommend it to government.

The previous proposal to recognise Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in the Constitution was rejected and now the Recognise campaign, which has been operating for five years with millions invested, has been abandoned.  

Interestingly, the previous recommendations to delete section 25 (a power which enables races to be excluded from voting) and insert a new section 116A (a prohibition on racial discrimination) have not featured as recommendations in this recent report.

Responses to the report

The report was met with varying responses from political leaders with both Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull, and the Leader of Opposition Bill Shorten promising to give the proposal ‘careful and thorough consideration’. At first, the Prime Minister stated the report was ‘short on detail’ and ‘a very big new idea’. Mr Shorten said the report’s recommendations were legitimate aspirations, and the government should not shy away from big changes.

The Garma festival was held between 4-7 August 2017 celebrating Yolngu cultural inheritance. During his address at Garma, Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull highlighted the challenges of referendums, citing the failed 1999 referendum for Australia to become a republic. He indicated that the Council’s recommendations are still under consideration by Cabinet, and that Parliament’s approach would have to be bipartisan in order to be successful.

Opposition Leader Bill Shorten’s address showed support for the proposals: “I cannot be any more clear than this: Labor supports a voice for Aboriginal people in our Constitution, we support a declaration by all parliaments, we support a truth-telling commission.”

The report has received mixed responses from Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. The existing national representative body, the National Congress of Australia’s First Peoples, welcomed the report and the enshrining of a representative body in the constitution soon after it was released. Tasmanian Aboriginal activist Michael Mansell argued the report is weak and should instead focus on treaty. On 9 August Aboriginal representatives involved in Empowered Communities from eight different regional areas across Australia called on the Prime Minister and Opposition leader to act quickly and support the recommendations.

What’s Next?

The Government are still considering the Referendum Council’s recommendations, and need to will either adopt, reject them or suggest an alternative proposal. Opposition leader Bill Shorten has suggested that a Joint Select Parliamentary Committee should be established for this task.

We will continue to monitor the progress on constitutional reform and keep you informed.

Trump on hate Groups: Response doesn’t go far enough

In response to President Trump’s comments on the Ku Klux Klan, neo-Nazis, and white supremacists following this weekend’s violence in Charlottesville — Amnesty International USA Deputy Executive Director of Campaigns and Membership, Njambi Good, issued the following statement:

“Despite today’s speech, President Trump has traded in bigotry since day one, putting ordinary people at greater risk of violence and harassment by white supremacists. It’s time for Trump to completely change course, and commit to concrete steps that will prevent white supremacists from inciting discrimination, hate, or violence.

“If the President is serious about stopping racism and religious discrimination, he must abandon the bigoted agenda that he campaigned on and that continues to fuel hate-based violence, including the refugee and Muslim ban.”

Egypt: Rabaa massacre four years on: rampant impunity for security forces illustrates dark legacy

Four years since security forces violently dispersed two sit-ins at Rabaa al Adawiya and al-Nahda squares in Greater Cairo, leaving at least 900 people dead and thousands more injured, Egypt is experiencing an unprecedented human rights crisis, said Amnesty International.

Not a single person has been held to account for the events on 14 August 2013, widely known as the Rabaa massacre. Instead, hundreds who attended the protests, including journalists and photographers who were covering the events, have been arrested and are facing an unfair mass trial. This vacuum of justice has allowed security forces to commit serious human rights violations, including using excessive lethal force and carrying out enforced disappearances, entirely unchecked.

“President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s regime has been determined to wipe out all memory of the massacre of the summer of 2013. The dark legacy of this failure to bring anyone to justice is that Egypt’s security forces today feel that they will not be held accountable for committing human rights violations,” said Najia Bounaim, North Africa Campaigns Director at Amnesty International.

“The Rabaa dispersal marks a defining turning point for human rights in Egypt. In the years since then, security forces have stepped up violations and varied their methods, carrying out enforced disappearances and extrajudicial executions on a scale never seen before.”

Since 2015, at least 1,700 people are estimated to have been “disappeared” by state agents for periods ranging from a few days to up to seven months. Most victims are abducted from the streets or their homes and held incommunicado for months, cut off from their families and lawyers. Egyptian security forces have also carried out dozens of extrajudicial executions.

Since 2015, at least 1,700 people are estimated to have been “disappeared” by state agents for periods ranging from a few days to up to seven months. Most victims are abducted from the streets or their homes and held incommunicado for months, cut off from their families and lawyers. Egyptian security forces have also carried out dozens of extrajudicial executions.

The Egyptian government’s efforts to erase all memory of the 2013 massacres appear to have had some impact. In August 2013, following the excessive use of lethal force by security forces at Rabaa, the EU Foreign Affairs Council agreed to suspend export licenses to Egypt of any equipment which could be used for internal repression.  Despite this, many EU member states have continued to supply the country with arms and policing equipment. The latest EU country report published last month also makes no mention of the Rabaa massacre or the impunity security services still enjoy.

Grossly unfair trials

Since the Rabaa massacre, the Egyptian authorities have led a bitter crackdown against political dissidents, rounding up thousands and sentencing hundreds to life in prison or death, after grossly unfair trials. In many cases, defendants were convicted in mass trials based on scant or dubious evidence. Most faced charges including participating in unauthorised protests, belonging to the banned Muslim Brotherhood group, damaging state and private property, possessing firearms and attacking security forces.

The prosecution authorities, who have an obligation to bring those responsible for the 2013 tragedy to justice, have proven unwilling to investigate and prosecute those responsible for these crimes. Instead of offering justice and remedy for victims, they have helped shield perpetrators from prosecution.

“The level of disparity between the rampant impunity enjoyed by security forces who took part in the Rabaa dispersal on one hand, and the mass persecution of Muslim Brotherhood supporters who had participated in protest as well as journalists reporting that day, is shocking,” said Najia Bounaim.

“The level of disparity between the rampant impunity enjoyed by security forces who took part in the Rabaa dispersal on one hand, and the mass persecution of Muslim Brotherhood supporters who had participated in protest as well as journalists reporting that day, is shocking” – Najia Bounaim

According to official statistics, six security officers were killed during the Rabaa dispersal and three during the al-Fateh protest two days later, also in Cairo. At least 1,231 people are being prosecuted in two mass trials collectively charged with their killing.

At least 737 people were charged for participating in the 2013 sit-in in what is known as “Rabaa dispersal case”. Among them is the journalist Mahmoud Abu Zeid, known as “Shawkan” who was arrested for taking photographs during the sit-in at Rabaa.

Many of those detained are held in appalling conditions including prolonged solitary confinement amounting to torture. They have frequently been beaten and denied access to lawyers, medical care or family visits.

In another emblematic case, known as the “Fateh mosque case”, at least 494 people are on mass trial for participating in a protest on 16 August 2013, while no investigation was conducted into the use of excessive lethal force by security forces that day that killed 120 protesters.

Those on trial include the Irish Egyptian national Ibrahim Halawa. The group are facing charges including participating in an unauthorised protest, belonging to a banned group, as well as murder and attacking the security forces. The prosecution failed to investigate claims by defendants that they were tortured by police to “confess” to crimes they did not commit.

The “Rabaa operations room case” involving four journalists from the RASSD news network – Youssef Talaat, Abdallah Al-Fakharany, Samhi Mostafa and Mohamed El-Adly – is another case that exemplifies the blatant injustice characterising such trials.

The journalists were sentenced to five years in prison on 8 May 2017 after being convicted of charges including creating and overseeing media committees at the Rabaa sit-in to spread “false information and news”.  During the trial, their lawyers were unable to attend several crucial court sessions leaving them unable to prepare a proper defence. The court’s judgement also relied primarily on investigations by Egypt’s National Security Agency that were not substantiated by material evidence.

Trump must condemn racial and ethnic hatred

In response to the weekend’s events in Charlottesville, Virginia, Amnesty International USA Deputy Executive Director of Campaigns and Membership, Njambi Good, issued the following statement:

“The authorities must act to de-escalate tensions in Charlottesville and take immediate steps to counter hate against people of color, immigrants, refugees, Jews, Muslims and others.

“Every time the Trump administration equivocates on white supremacy, it risks emboldening more acts of violence, harassment and discrimination. Around the world, we have seen what happens when governments fail to act consistently and promptly to condemn racial and ethnic hatred. Violence and discrimination result, and ordinary people pay the price of government inaction.”

China: Tens of thousands demand President Xi frees Liu Xia

Almost 70,000 people from across the world have urged China’s President to lift all restrictions and end the harassment against poet and artist Liu Xia, one month after the death of her husband, Nobel Peace laureate, Liu Xiaobo.

Liu Xia has not been heard of since her husband’s hastily arranged funeral ceremony and sea burial on 15 July. Prisoner of Conscience, Liu Xiaobo, passed away in custody two days earlier.

In an open letter to President Xi Jinping, nearly 70,000 people call on the Chinese authorities to lift all arbitrary restrictions against Liu Xia, and ensure she can travel freely.

“Liu Xia is being cruelly punished for never giving up on her wrongfully imprisoned late husband,” said Lisa Tassi, East Asia Director of Campaigns at Amnesty International.

“Liu Xia’s immeasurable loss is being callously compounded by the Chinese authorities’ vindictive and illegal attempt to silence her. Our message to President Xi is clear: end the harassment and free Liu Xia now.”

Illegal house arrest

Liu Xia has been under illegal house arrest since Liu Xiaobo was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2010. After her husband’s funeral, Liu Xia was taken to Yunnan and then sent back to Beijing, where she lives. Her whereabouts are currently unknown.

She has suffered from psychological stress, anxiety and depression as a result of her treatment at the hands of the authorities.

Since Liu Xiaobo’s death, the authorities have detained or harassed activists who held memorials for him. Six activists in Guangdong have been criminally detained on suspicion of “assembling a crowd to disturb social order” after they held a seaside memorial.

“All those detained for legitimately exercising their freedom of expression must be released immediately and unconditionally,” said Lisa Tassi.

Standing up for justice

“Whatever deplorable tactics the authorities may try, they will never be able to erase Liu Xiaobo’s legacy. Thanks to him, millions of people in China and across the world have been inspired to stand up for freedom and justice in the face of oppression.”

Liu Xiaobo, helped devise a call for political reform in China, known as Charter 08. All he did was exercise his human rights: but as a result, he was sentenced to 11 years imprisonment in 2009 for “inciting subversion of state power”.

The Nobel Peace laureate died in custody of liver cancer, and the authorities refused his and his family’s last wish to travel abroad to receive treatment. He was recognised by Amnesty International as a Prisoner of Conscience.

Iran: shameful execution of man arrested at 15

Following today’s execution of Alireza Tajiki, a young Iranian man who was arrested, convicted and sentenced to death as a child, Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for the Middle East and North Africa Magdalena Mughrabi said:

“By going ahead with this execution in defiance of their obligations under international law, and despite huge public and international opposition, the Iranian authorities have again cruelly demonstrated their complete disdain for children’s rights. This shameful act marks a critical turning point for Iran, and exposes the hollowness of the authorities’ claims to have a genuine juvenile justice system.”

“Alireza Tajiki is the fourth person executed in Iran this year who was arrested as a child. His execution, which was carried out despite his allegations that he was tortured into “confessing”, consolidates a horrendous pattern that has seen Iran repeatedly send people arrested as children to the gallows, often after deeply unfair trials.

“This execution is a flagrant violation of Iran’s obligations under the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, which it ratified two decades ago. By putting Alireza Tajiki to death, the Iranian authorities have demonstrated their appalling commitment for continuing with this abhorrent practice and shown they do not even have the will to implement their half-hearted reforms to save the lives of those convicted as children.”

Background

Alireza Tajiki was 21 years old at the time of his execution. He was arrested in May 2012 when aged 15 and sentenced to death nearly a year later in April 2013. A criminal court in Fars Province, southern Iran, had convicted him of murder and lavat-e be-onf (forced male-male intercourse).

The trial was grossly unfair and relied primarily on “confessions” which Alireza Tajiki had said were extracted through torture, including severe beatings, floggings and suspension by the arms and feet.

In 2013 the Iranian authorities introduced piecemeal reforms to deflect criticism of their appalling record on executions of juvenile offenders, yet despite this they have continued to condemn dozens of young people to death for crimes committed when they were under 18, in violation of their international human rights obligations. These reforms included amendments to Iran’s 2013 Islamic Penal Code that grant judges discretionary powers to replace the death penalty with an alternative punishment if they determine that the individual had not reached “mental maturity” at the time of the crime.

Iran is one of the last few countries in the world that still executes juvenile offenders. As of August 2017, Amnesty International had identified at least 89 people on death row who were under the age of 18 when the crime was committed.

Indonesia: Stop intimidating participants in events concerning 1965 human rights violations

Amnesty International is deeply concerned about reports that the Indonesian security forces are disrupting public events and closed-door discussions about the Communist purge of 1965, in which 500,000 to one million people were unlawfully killed and hundreds of thousands held without trial

According to local human rights organisations, there have been at least 39 cases since 2015 where authorities disbanded events related to 1965 and intimidated those involved. Most recently, on 1 August 2017 local police and military from East Jakarta disbanded a workshop about the findings of the International People’s Tribunal (IPT) 1965, a civil society initiative to raise international awareness about the 1965 mass human rights violations.

“These actions are a clear violation of the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. President Joko Widodo must immediately end all forms of restrictions against public discussions in relation to the events of 1965 and ensure that the government starts listening to victims and others, instead of suppressing their voices,” said Amnesty International Australia’s Crisis Campaigns Coordinator Diana Sayed.

This restriction to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly in relation to the events of 1965 is at odds with initiatives by President Widodo himself, who has pledged to address all past human rights violations and abuses in the country, including those of 1965.

This restriction to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly in relation to the events of 1965 is at odds with initiatives by President Widodo himself, who has pledged to address all past human rights violations and abuses in the country, including those of 1965. In April 2016 the government organised a symposium ‘Examining the 1965 Tragedy: A Historical Approach’ (Membedah Tragedi 1965: Pendekatan Kesejarahan), which brought together survivors, scholars, human-rights activists, artists, former members of the Indonesian military and government officials to discuss the events of 1965. One of the key recommendations from the symposium was for the authorities to end all forms of restrictions to freedom of expression and assembly in relation to any public discussions related to the 1965 mass human rights violations.

“Amnesty International believes that the victims of the 1965 violations and the families have the right to peacefully assemble to discuss and exchange information and ideas about the past. Instead of blocking this event, the authorities should seek ways to support these initiatives to ensure truth, justice and adequate and effective reparations, in accordance with Indonesia’s international obligations,” said Diana Sayed.

In Ambon (Maluku) on 18 March 2017, organisers were forced to move a discussion to a church following intimidation by the police. Intimidation by the security forces also occurred in Bandung and Cirebon (West Java), Semarang (Central Java), Surabaya (East Java) and Yogyakarta at events related to the IPT between March and July 2017. In many cases, vigilante groups were also involved in disbanding events.

Background

In 1965, the Indonesian military launched a systematic attack against members of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) and suspected sympathisers, during which an estimated 500,000 to one million people were unlawfully killed and hundreds of thousands were held without trial for periods ranging from a few days to more than 14 years.

Investigations by the Indonesian National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) and other human rights organisations have documented a range of human rights violations during this period including unlawful killings, torture, enforced disappearances, rape, sexual slavery and other crimes of sexual violence, slavery, arbitrary arrest and detention, forced displacement and forced labour. Many victims and their families also faced violations of their social, economic and cultural rights, and continue to this day to experience discrimination both in law and in practice.

A three-year investigation by Komnas HAM, completed in July 2012, concluded that the findings meet the criteria of gross human rights violations, and include crimes against humanity, as defined by the Indonesian Law No. 26/2000 on Human Rights Courts. To date, however, there has been no indication that the government will even launch a criminal investigation. Meanwhile, attempts to establish a truth commission on the national level have stalled due to a lack of political will.

Although Indonesia has seen a marked increase in the space for freedom of expression following the fall of Suharto in 1998, a culture of silence has prevailed in regard to discussing the 1965 mass human rights violations.

Craig Quartermaine: The highs and lows of being an Indigenous comedian

By Craig Quartermaine

9 August is International Day of the World’s Indigenous Peoples. To mark this day we asked comedian, NITV journalist and Nyoongar man Craig Quartermaine to chat with us about the highs and lows of being an Indigenous comedy performer.

The life of a travelling comedian isn’t the most glamorous occupation when you’re new, but it’s remarkably similar to being a journo on the road in Australia. Dingy hotel rooms, travelling for hours and struggling to find something edible after a late shift are making me feel right at home. I’m over in the West Country of England performing previews for my first Edinburgh Show, Race Off.

I’m on a health kick at the moment, so most mornings on tour I’ll go for a jog then find the nearest park and hang off the bars. I was (until recently) completely oblivious to the fact that when a large brown man, covered in sweat, with his hoodie over his head comes up to a stranger first thing in the morning, panting and asking where the nearest playground is, it could be misinterpreted!

When you’re the only reference point in the workplace, you take on a bit of a role as cultural attaché, Black Sage or ‘Bloracle’.

The world of stand-up

People often remark that I’m incredibly brave for attempting stand-up. No, what you need for comedy is a massive ego and the arrogance to feel you should be heard. Thankfully I have those by the tonne!

But often I struggle with being an Indigenous Australian in fields where everything you say is interpreted as either gospel or a political statement. When you’re the only reference point in the workplace, you take on a bit of a role as cultural attaché, Black Sage or ‘Bloracle’. That’s true in the white-collar world and true in comedy. We need a greater presence so our jokes can be jokes and only political statements when we mean them to be.

Fittingly, this blog coincides with International Day of the World’s Indigenous Peoples and my show explores how race relations in Australia mirror racial awkwardness around the world. Back in Australia, I can easily raise a laugh by discussing the awkwardness of Australia’s relationship with its Indigenous people, but performing the same show in the UK has revealed the complete and utter ignorance of the Australian black/white dynamic – and has lead to some long pregnant pauses and wide-eyed gasps. It’s not exactly the result I’m going for and it’s gotten to the point where my gigs resemble a TED talk more than a comedy set.

The sad truth is that if I waited for horrible things to stop happening to Aboriginal people in Australia before I travelled, I’d never get out of my suburb.

Far from home

It has been hard being away from Australia ‘telling funnies’ while so many big stories are developing – not least of which has been the Elijah Doughty decision, in which the man charged with his manslaughter in Kalgoorlie received a mere three-year jail sentence. The sad truth is that if I waited for horrible things to stop happening to Aboriginal people in Australia before I travelled, I’d never get out of my suburb.

Indigenous people are a massive inconvenience to the Australian identity narrative of being hard-done-by convicts sent away for not being part of the British elite. Despite this, they managed to ‘have a go’ and make the most of the current situation: raising some sheep, winning Olympic gold medals against the odds and fighting above their weight division in World War II – essentially resembling a wet Hugh Jackman emerging from the shower. As a journalist and 35-year old Indigenous man I’m well aware this is not all there is to the story and people are genuinely shocked when I point that out on stage.

Mind you, if everyone became enlightened and less racist, a lot of my material wouldn’t work. I’d be more than happy for us to reach our cultural utopia once I’ve gotten ahead on my bills.